也論漢語「主語指向型」動補結構的句法構造 (On subject-oriented resultatives in Mandarin)
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Abstract漢語「主語指向型」動補結構一直被學界看作是動補結構的「例外」。本文著重研究了這類動補結構的句法語義特點,利用多種句法手段證明「主語指向型」動補結構內部存在差異,即有些並不屬於動補結構,有些表面上看似「主語指向」的動補結構其實是基礎動補結構的衍生結構,在底層結構中這類補語仍是指向賓語。這一分析不僅維持了關於動補結構的統一分析理論(如 DOR 理論),而且為現代漢語的動補結構提供了跨語言的分析視角。

Subject-oriented resultatives have long been regarded as exceptions or challenges to current analyses of resultatives. This paper divides them into three types: (a) xie-lei (write-tired); kan-dong (read-understand); and (c) ting-fan (hear-annoyed), a mixed type. It argues that type (a) is a real resultative construction, that type (b) is not a resultative construction, and type (c) could be understood as either (a) or (b). It is shown that Mandarin subject-oriented resultatives do not violate the Direct Object Restriction (DOR) on resultatives, as type (a) is a derived construction from its object-oriented counterpart and type (b) is irrelevant to DOR. On the basis of a unified analysis of Mandarin resultative constructions proposed in the paper, it is argued that subject-oriented resultatives are neither exceptional
nor challenging to current analyses of resultatives, especially DOR.
All Author(s) ListBi Luosha, Pan Haihua
Journal nameLanguage and Linguistics -Taipei-
Year2018
Month6
Day4
Volume Number19
Issue Number3
PublisherJohn Benjamins Publishing Company
Pages377 - 394
ISSN1606-822X
LanguagesEnglish-United Kingdom
Keywords「主語指向型」動補結構, OR 理論, 心理動詞, 雙動詞結構, 致使
subject-oriented resultatives, Direct Object Restriction (DOR), psych verbs, bi-verbal construction, cause

Last updated on 2020-28-03 at 02:49